Sunday, February 22, 2009

Thoughts on a Sunday morning

What makes it so easy to find faults in others, yet so difficult to reflect on our own weakness? Is it a necessary quality as we build our own position, our own status, our own individuality? Or does it come from our own insecurities or prejudices? Do the confident ever believe themselves wrong, or the insecure themselves right? How can we make tomorrow better?
I grew up in a family where blame was a normal part of life. My father, insecure in himself, found fault in almost everything around him. He was an alcoholic, and when he was drunk, he took all his frustrations out on my Mother, me, my sisters, or my younger brother. I find that it has shaped my life. It is easy for me to see the wrong in others. My defense mechanism became humor; biting humor, where I focus on the mistakes of others. This does not bring me but momentary satisfaction, and I would be a better person if I kept my thoughts to myself, but I admit they must find their way out or I would burst. I've spent a lot of time considering this fault of mine, and as a compromise with my inner demon I've worked hard to not let spill meanly out as the venom I grew up with, or routinely dispensed to those I love. Still it lurks not far below the surface. After much reflection I believe I am a confident individual, with a solid self-understanding, yet I experience doubts all the time, especially when dealing with issues that are beyond my control. So I find, for me, the answer to these questions, stem from childhood experiences shaping who we are as adults, and while reflection of ourselves may be easy, changing the fundamental approach to life, built as a child, is very hard.
I think this is where our faith and a belief in redemption become so important. Each day we strive to improve, each day we fall short, and each time we fall short we seek forgiveness. If we don't believe we can be forgiven, the burden of our failures would build an ever higher fortress of isolation, much as I saw in my father. He approached life with the idea change was impossible, and his only option was to continue as he was, attempting continuously to bring all others down to his level. As hard as he tried to reach out, to show compassion, to gain acceptance, he was unable to change his approach when confronted with adversity. His attempt to escape the petty frustrations of life led to his addiction and his addiction led to loss of esteem.
This brings me to the most important of all questions, how can we make tomorrow better? This is a question each of us must answer for ourselves, and only for ourselves. We can't tell others how to run their lives, nor can we run their lives for them. Each of us must find our way through life, we must find our own path, but along the way we must find ways to shine brightly so the paths of those closest to us are illuminated. I start each day with this simple prayer.
Lord,
Help me put yesterday behind, forgive my sins, and make me a mirror reflecting your light. Remind me to think before I act, and be an example for those who know me. Amen

Sunday, February 15, 2009

So What's the Story

In an earlier posting I expressed my concern this new administration and the Congress must find a way to govern. Even though they have won a strong majority, I had hoped the Democrats would not duplicate the mistakes of the previous administration. I had hoped they would learn to compromise and work towards the common good, bringing in the minority and addressing their concerns.

Now, 800 plus billion dollars later have they done that?

Sadly I find the answer to be no! I am sure if you ask Democratic leadership they will find cause to blame the Republicans, and if asked the Republicans have reasons for their positions as well. The unfortunate truth is they refuse to work towards compromise and a shared vision. This doesn't not offer me hope they will grow to lead the nation, or work towards compromise and a stronger government where we can all buy into the end solution.

Regardless of the rhetoric of the President, I don't see the Congressional leadership buying into a bi-partisan approach. With his background in IL politics I have to wonder how many of his sound bites are heartfelt, and how many are but smoke for the backroom deals he's already made? How many congressional "bridges to nowhere" are in this latest stimulus package? How many worthless studies, or grants for already well endowed endowments?

I don't see my stocks or mutual funds returning to 2005 levels in this decade....ah well.

Wednesday, January 21, 2009

Time and Tides....

As we enter what is being touted as a new era, I can only wonder what has fundamentally changed in the body politic? We have a Congress that is overwhelmingly Democratic, but filled with the same politician's who could find no way to compromise with the Executive these past eight years. We have a new President, who learned first hand the lessons of political compromise, or principle compromise, in pursuit of greater personal gain.

I am hopeful, along the way, he will remember his promise of service before personal gain, but if the senior leadership of the House and Senate, both sides of the aisle, are any indication we should not be expecting too rapid a move towards Camelot.

A couple of years ago a friend relayed a story with regards to individual expectations and perks of the office as expected by the leader of the House of Representatives. The story went to what I think of as the heart of a rhetoric versus substance with regard to service to our nation, and protecting the average citizen. I was told, and I choose to believe, that upon securing the senior position this congressperson identified to the USAF his/her requirements for executive transportation, on a weekly basis, back to his/her home. When told what the previous incumbent had used, a small executive jet like a Lear or Gulfstream, the new congressperson was quite adamant that would never do and he/she needed something with intercontinental range and the capacity to carry his/her entire entourage. Cost be damned, he/she deserved it and it would be provided or the AF could expect no support in upcoming budgets.

I hold this akin to the abuses of the former senior Senator of Alaska, who would hold authorization bills hostage until his pork barrel programs where inserted. Like the Ketchikan Alaska "Bridge to No Where." The fact he, or the senior Senator from WV, or MA, or ND or almost anywhere else see nothing wrong in this speaks volumes about how little they are concerned with national debt, or the national survival. I believe every Congressperson works towards their personal self-interest, what do they tell their district at reelection time about how much of the federal budget they were able to bring home. I doubt anyone was ever reelected for showing how much they saved their district in taxes by not approving some unneeded works project, or worthless studies like the study of hibernation problems with bats, or the potential for transexual flies (I am making this up, not suggesting a new field).

Ah well, it is easy to complain when they really don't care about your opinion, they just want your vote.

Sunday, January 11, 2009

Promises

I've had a chance recently to observe the act of promising, and the rationalization of compromising that promise. It strikes me odd how we can so easily make a promise, a commitment, or obligate ourselves and then rationalize why that promise isn't important, or didn't really mean what we said. How easy it has become to compromise ourselves if we see a better path, or a personal desire that conflicts the promise.

It seems we are only what we hold ourselves to be, and what others can expect of us. This is one of the foundations of our society, and civilization. I was taught that my word is my bond. I am sure most of us were taught a similar concept, but so many have thrown that away that I am left to wonder what is the value of a promise made, or what do I do when someone promises me something.

I see examples all around that significant portions of our nation now see no value in keeping their promise. Whether it be a coach of Boston College who signs a new contract, only to go to the first available job interview for what he views as a better job, a corporate executive charged with managing a company to profitability, a financial CEO who sacrifices others money in the pursuit of personal gain, or even two unnamed individuals who make a personal commitment to each other. If we can not trust each other to do what they say they will can this nation long survive?

I have also observed that those who are most likely to violate the trust of another are also the most likely to protest when this is pointed out, or they are held accountable. For me, in the final analysis, all I can do is hold myself to the standards I would hope for others, and accept that not everyone shares that view. It will mean from time to time I may be disappointed, and that when I know someone will habitually break their word I hold that promise as worthless and not ask them for one.

Twenty-eight years ago a group of my comrades and I made a promise to put our lives at risk to rescue Americans held hostage by the Iranian's. I can tell you, to a man our promise to each other, the mission, and the nation was made without duress, without hesitation and without compromise. Each of us gave one hundred percent of your skills, our abilities and effort. Eight of us gave their lives to towards that promise. Once made, not one of us, that I am aware of , ever gave a seconds thought to breaking it. We were the best chance the nation had, and if our best was not good enough that was beyond our control, but we were committed to the effort, and each other. We didn't do it for money, glory or fame, if we had been successful most of us would never have been singled out or recognized.

Today's military continue that tradition of service before self and I salute them for their sacrifices, I wonder how may civilians can even put their efforts in context. Service before self, too bad business leaders can't grasp that concept.

Wednesday, December 10, 2008

Cars, Banks and Illinois Politics

It certainly hasn't taken long for the economy to tank. This house of cards we've created is tumbling down and it will bring many Americans to a new realization. The last time we did this to ourselves we created what Tom Brokaw has come to refer to as "the Greatest Generation." I wonder what kind of generation this fiscal crisis will create?

It strikes me as silly, the sound bites each news broadcast use, to try and explain why it is right or wrong to give the banking industry a $700 billion and the billions the auto industry is attempting to suck from the treasury. For the past 40 years the American car industry has continued down a path that is continually blazed by the Japanese. On top of the fact they have committed to building large trucks and SUV with miserable gas mileage they have legacy costs that cripple their ability to be cost efficient in their product development. They are also slow, terribly slow, in bringing new technology to the market. Perhaps that is as much our fault as theirs. As long as we buy those trucks and SUV what motivation do they have to change. It is only when oil tops $130.00 a barrel and $4.00 a gallon does the news and the consumer make a big noise about how terrible it is. So how do we address their failures, and the failures of their management? We offer a government bailout that will increase our national debt with uncertain benefit. This is not like the Chrysler bailout of the 80's, where management offered a clear path to improvement and paid back the loans in 1/2 the expected time.

Finally, as the latest of a continuing panorama of corruption unfolds in Illinois it is important to keep in mind this is the political training ground for our new President. I hope he is well insulated from this, but I won't be surprised to see his closest advisers go the way of Scooter Libby. The future offers a Cornucopia of scandal and government corruption with all the money we have doled out over the past couple of months. The only question is just exactly how long is its incubation?

Sunday, November 9, 2008

And Then There Was One

As we enter this new era I wonder how we will come together as a nation. With the Democrats now in contol of the House, the Senate and the Executive will they run to the extreme or will they learn to govern? As I look at the leadership I am not confident we will find a middle ground for the common good.

I think as we enter this period of transition it would be good to recall the farewell speech of Dwight D Eisenhower and consider its lasting relevance. The one thing... we as a nation, (that being a majority) still placed our faith in God when it was written so I am not sure how many of today's politicians would fit it within their views.

The key theme of this address is to remind our nation we live in a time different than that of our forefathers, there will be challenges we must face, but we must always remember they can only be resolved through mutual respect, open-minded discussion and moral strength, and there is no magic solution to solve our problems. Is that so vastly different than what we need today?

For those who may not have been around for the live presentation I quote it here.

"My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate postwar period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.

II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this preeminence, we yet realize that America’s leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.

III.
Throughout America’s adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology—global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle—with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.
Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all our current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defense; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research—these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.
But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: The need to maintain balance in and among national programs—balance between the private and the public economy, balance between cost and hoped-for advantage—balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress: lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration.
The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of stress and threat. But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. I mention two only.

IV.
A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.
Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence—economic, political, even spiritual—is felt in every city, every state house, every office of the federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades.
In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the federal government.
Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his ship, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers.
The prospect of domination of the nation’s scholars by federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present – and is gravely to be regarded.
Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system—ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.

V.
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society’s future, we—you and I, and our government—must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.


VI.
Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.
Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war—as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years—I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.


VII.
So—in this my last good night to you as your President—I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and peace. I trust that in that service you find some things worthy; as for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.
You and I—my fellow citizens— need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the nation’s great goals.
To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America’s prayerful and continuing aspiration:We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth, and that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love"

I hope Mr. Obama and Mr. Biden remain true to themselves and remember they serve for the common good. I hope our nation supports their efforts toward that end, and lets them know when they go astray. Now, as in 1932, we are electing a President to save us from our excesses, hopefully they are up to the challenge.

Tuesday, October 7, 2008

Obama -- McCain Debate 2

My Friends...

I wonder if I am alone in believing this condescending term reflects the likely failure of the Republican candidate to connect with the average American. As I watched and listened I was struck by Senator McCain's inability to provide anything that approached legitimate options to move forward. While I am afraid of the big government approach Senator Obama will bring, he is able to articulate, and communicate with the average person. Clearly he is not, just as John Kennedy was not, an average person, but perhaps what this nation needs in this time is an inspirational leader, with the ability to share that vision. I don't think Senator McCain offers that option.

Unfortunately, with today's media and the talking head's nearly continuous move towards scandal in all reporting, I doubt any leader will be allowed to inspire the way FDR or Ronald Regan did. The opposing party will do all in its power to turn this approach into a negative.

Senator McCain's principle approach was he has worked across the aisle with the other party, but his attack on Senator Obama did not offer clear alternative options or how he would bring the Executive and Legislative branches closer together to work for solutions.

As the economy slides into recession or depression with failures of banking and investments I didn't see either speak to their failures in recognizing this and how proposals of the past now need to be reworked, rethougth, or withdrawn.

My Friends, I am torn...
Related Posts Plugin for WordPress, Blogger...